This article addresses the relationship between the concepts of national identity and biopolitics by examining a border-transit camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers in Germany. Current studies of detention spaces for migrants have drawn heavily on Agamben’s reflection on the “camp” and “homo-sacer”, where the camp is analyzed as a space in permanent state of exception, in which the government exercises sovereign power over the refugee as the ultimate biopolitical subject. But what groups of people can end up at a camp, and does the government treat all groups in the same way? This article examines the German camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers as a space where the state’s borders are demarcated and controlled through practices of bureaucratic and narrative differentiation between various groups of people. The author uses the concept of detention space to draw a theoretical link between national identity and biopolitics, and demonstrates how the sovereign’s practices of control and differentiation at the camp construct German national identity through defining “nonmembers” of the state. The study draws on ethnographic fieldwork at the German border transit camp Friedland and on a discourse analysis of texts produced at the camp or for the camp.
The article examines collective attitudes of American and Russian students towards their
countries’ events they are either proud, or ashamed of. Basing on the quantitative questionnaire
and the in-depth interview with the students of leading Russian and American universities the
authors identify the major differences in these views: time localization, contents structure, either
hard or soft power prevailing. The research stresses that the perceptions of the past have been
one of the core components of national identity and may have an impact on citizens’ political
behaviour in the present. Thus sharp contradictions in assessments of today’s younger generation
and their understanding of the past might influence the relations between Russia and the USA in
This paper presents findings from in-depth interviews (N = 136) conducted among students at leading Russian universities. Qualitative analysis reveals a three-way divide in how the students imagine Russia’s future. The largest group is optimistic about Russia, seeing it as a global power. A second, smaller group expects Russia to decline in the coming years, while the third group is undecided and unwilling to make forecasts. The paper considers the arguments of the ‘optimists’ and ‘pessimists’, who respectively backed and criticized Crimea’s incorporation into Russia. The paper highlights the association between support for the annexation and optimism about Russia’s future.
European countries are culturally close, still showing great variance in political participation rates as well as in predominant religions and state-church relations experience, what makes this region a good case for comparative research. Given this, it becomes important to study if members of different confessions differ in political participation rates, or the main cleavage lies between religious and non-religious people regardless of religious tradition? Does Orthodoxy really lead to lower levels of political participation or what we see is the effect of political regime or Communist legacy? Statistical analysis results suggest that regular attendance of religious services and praying does increase chances to participate in politics. This pattern holds for followers of all major European religious traditions and in countries with different predominant religions. On the other hand, most inter-confessional differences in political participation appear weak and unstable, while both belonging to an Orthodox religious tradition and living in a predominantly Orthodox state exert a stable and negative effect on political participation. Additional tests suggest that there is no difference in political participation between Orthodox Christians from predominantly Orthodox states and those where they form only a minority. Consequently, it is something in a religious tradition itself that decreases political participation.
The current article describes the state of the art, institutional design, and a historical overview on how strategic management in public administration developed in post-Soviet Russia till 2017. Strategic attempts in public administration run contemporarily, and they evolve. After the 13th 5-year Soviet plan was revoked in 1991 along with the collapse of the Soviet Union itself, it took Russia 9 years to come back to the concept of planning as a governing procedure. Since then, Russia had several iterations in the development of a national long-term strategy and performed vast activity in introduction of strategic routines into public administration. As for the end of 2016, Russian system of strategic management in public administration is passing through an institutional reform.
By exploring the changes among online elites who have constructed the Internet, this article traces the unique history of the Russian Internet (RuNet). Illustrating how changes in online elites can be associated with changes in the socio-political role of the online space in general, it concludes that, although the Internet is of global nature, its space is constructed on the level of nation, culture and language. To show this, the article presents five stages in the development of RuNet, suggesting that the change in the stages is associated with the relationship of power between, first, actors (users, developers, the government, etc.) that construct Internet space and, second, alternative elites that emerge online and the traditional elites that seek to take the online space under their control by making their imaginary dominate.
In many Russian regions, new institutions have been created that are meant to enable the partnership between the legislative, the regional administration and civil society actors. These forms of institutionalized cooperation include permanent roundtables, consultative councils, regional or local grant competitions for social projects and the institutionalized cooperation in externally funded social projects. In addressing social problems, nonprofit organizations have often played a pioneer role and are today more and more accepted as partners of the state, while at the same time facing multiple barriers in terms of their institutional context, organizational development and participation in policy formation. Although regional and local administrations and civil society actors share many concerns about social policy issues, the level of real involvement of NGOs in policy formation in present-day Russia is often described as ineffective and insufficient. The underlying motivation of this paper is to identify the forms and degree of cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors in addressing social problems and the participation of non-profit actors in shaping policy formation in Russia’s regions. The focus is on the sub-national level, as regional authorities bear the main responsibility for financing and implementing welfare policies. The paper thereby addresses the following question: What are the incentives, barriers and outcomes of nonprofit participation in service delivery and policy formation?
The paper is focused on the issue of civil procedure. The problem is pinpointed on the key features of special aspects of proving circumstances certified by a notary. The methodology includes the analysis institute of excuse of proving and institute of verification of evidences. The theme is differentiated between verification of evidences in Civil Procedure Code of the Russian Federation (articles 61 and 186) and Arbitrazh Procedure Code of the Russian Federation (articles 69 and 161). The paper underlines the importance of adversarial principle. It is argued that the Conception of United Civil Procedure Code of the Russian Federation should be changed.
Religion or Communist Legacy? The Influence of Religion on Welfare Attitudes in Europe
The paper studies whether welfare attitudes of the Europeans are effected by religiosity of individual- (via degree of religiosity and religious affiliation) and contextual-level (via predominant religion and average religiosity). Results of multilevel statistical analysis performed on the data from ESS-2008 for 27 countries of Europe suggest that religiosity is negatively associated with welfare support as well as being a Catholic or a Protestant. On the contrary, Orthodox Christianity leads to substantive increase in welfare support among respondents as both individual religious affiliation and predominant religion. Finally, in countries without Communist experience religiosity is visibly associated with decline in welfare support, while in PostCommunist countries all respondents are similarly supportive of welfare provision, and more religiosity does not lead to decline in welfare support.
In this article, we analyze how students studying at Moscow universities perceive historical events of 1917, 1937, 1991, and 1993. We look at two groups of students: those who have taken the standardized test (the Unified State Exam) in history, and those who have not. The study shows that neither of the two groups has a firm grasp or understanding of 20th century history, as they can usually only say a few words about the events. The more recent the event, the lower the students' knowledge of the event. The authors conclude that history lessons in schools should be restructured and redistributed, and that memory politics should be transformed with attention to new channels of communication that are popular among young people today.