In present-day Russia, the government’s approach towards the non-profit sector is in many ways ambivalent and contradictory. Russian government follows two opposing strategies: it largely suppresses independent and potentially critical NPOs, while at the same time co-opting those that function in line with government priorities. The article analyses the ways that NPOs have perceived the dual nature of governmental policies and how these policies have affected the non-profit sector in Russia’s regions. The article argues that – by creating divisions between different types of NPOs – government policies have exerted a negative influence on the internal solidarity of the Russian nonprofit sector.
The paper is focused on the issue objective limits of prejudgment of civil procedure. The problem is pinpointed on the key features of different forms of judicial acts. The methodology includes the analysis institute of excuse of proving. The theme is differentiated between forms of judicial acts in Civil Procedure Code of the Russian Federation and Arbitrazh Procedure Code of the Russian Federation. The paper underlines the importance of restriction of forms of judicial acts, which connect with institute of the prejudgment. It is argued that the Conception of United Civil Procedure Code of the Russian Federation, Civil Procedure Code of the Russian Federation and Arbitrazh Procedure Code of the Russian Federation should be changed.
This article addresses the relationship between the concepts of national identity and biopolitics by examining a border-transit camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers in Germany. Current studies of detention spaces for migrants have drawn heavily on Agamben’s reflection on the “camp” and “homo-sacer”, where the camp is analyzed as a space in permanent state of exception, in which the government exercises sovereign power over the refugee as the ultimate biopolitical subject. But what groups of people can end up at a camp, and does the government treat all groups in the same way? This article examines the German camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers as a space where the state’s borders are demarcated and controlled through practices of bureaucratic and narrative differentiation between various groups of people. The author uses the concept of detention space to draw a theoretical link between national identity and biopolitics, and demonstrates how the sovereign’s practices of control and differentiation at the camp construct German national identity through defining “nonmembers” of the state. The study draws on ethnographic fieldwork at the German border transit camp Friedland and on a discourse analysis of texts produced at the camp or for the camp.
The article examines collective attitudes of American and Russian students towards their
countries’ events they are either proud, or ashamed of. Basing on the quantitative questionnaire
and the in-depth interview with the students of leading Russian and American universities the
authors identify the major differences in these views: time localization, contents structure, either
hard or soft power prevailing. The research stresses that the perceptions of the past have been
one of the core components of national identity and may have an impact on citizens’ political
behaviour in the present. Thus sharp contradictions in assessments of today’s younger generation
and their understanding of the past might influence the relations between Russia and the USA in
This paper presents findings from in-depth interviews (N = 136) conducted among students at leading Russian universities. Qualitative analysis reveals a three-way divide in how the students imagine Russia’s future. The largest group is optimistic about Russia, seeing it as a global power. A second, smaller group expects Russia to decline in the coming years, while the third group is undecided and unwilling to make forecasts. The paper considers the arguments of the ‘optimists’ and ‘pessimists’, who respectively backed and criticized Crimea’s incorporation into Russia. The paper highlights the association between support for the annexation and optimism about Russia’s future.
European countries are culturally close, still showing great variance in political participation rates as well as in predominant religions and state-church relations experience, what makes this region a good case for comparative research. Given this, it becomes important to study if members of different confessions differ in political participation rates, or the main cleavage lies between religious and non-religious people regardless of religious tradition? Does Orthodoxy really lead to lower levels of political participation or what we see is the effect of political regime or Communist legacy? Statistical analysis results suggest that regular attendance of religious services and praying does increase chances to participate in politics. This pattern holds for followers of all major European religious traditions and in countries with different predominant religions. On the other hand, most inter-confessional differences in political participation appear weak and unstable, while both belonging to an Orthodox religious tradition and living in a predominantly Orthodox state exert a stable and negative effect on political participation. Additional tests suggest that there is no difference in political participation between Orthodox Christians from predominantly Orthodox states and those where they form only a minority. Consequently, it is something in a religious tradition itself that decreases political participation.
The current article describes the state of the art, institutional design, and a historical overview on how strategic management in public administration developed in post-Soviet Russia till 2017. Strategic attempts in public administration run contemporarily, and they evolve. After the 13th 5-year Soviet plan was revoked in 1991 along with the collapse of the Soviet Union itself, it took Russia 9 years to come back to the concept of planning as a governing procedure. Since then, Russia had several iterations in the development of a national long-term strategy and performed vast activity in introduction of strategic routines into public administration. As for the end of 2016, Russian system of strategic management in public administration is passing through an institutional reform.
By exploring the changes among online elites who have constructed the Internet, this article traces the unique history of the Russian Internet (RuNet). Illustrating how changes in online elites can be associated with changes in the socio-political role of the online space in general, it concludes that, although the Internet is of global nature, its space is constructed on the level of nation, culture and language. To show this, the article presents five stages in the development of RuNet, suggesting that the change in the stages is associated with the relationship of power between, first, actors (users, developers, the government, etc.) that construct Internet space and, second, alternative elites that emerge online and the traditional elites that seek to take the online space under their control by making their imaginary dominate.
In many Russian regions, new institutions have been created that are meant to enable the partnership between the legislative, the regional administration and civil society actors. These forms of institutionalized cooperation include permanent roundtables, consultative councils, regional or local grant competitions for social projects and the institutionalized cooperation in externally funded social projects. In addressing social problems, nonprofit organizations have often played a pioneer role and are today more and more accepted as partners of the state, while at the same time facing multiple barriers in terms of their institutional context, organizational development and participation in policy formation. Although regional and local administrations and civil society actors share many concerns about social policy issues, the level of real involvement of NGOs in policy formation in present-day Russia is often described as ineffective and insufficient. The underlying motivation of this paper is to identify the forms and degree of cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors in addressing social problems and the participation of non-profit actors in shaping policy formation in Russia’s regions. The focus is on the sub-national level, as regional authorities bear the main responsibility for financing and implementing welfare policies. The paper thereby addresses the following question: What are the incentives, barriers and outcomes of nonprofit participation in service delivery and policy formation?
Our era is closely connected with the ‘digital revolution’ that has irreversibly extended humanity’s capacity for progress. This is especially clear when one compares the digital revolution with innovations across the entirety of human history. Meanwhile, the topic of ‘barbarism’ remains on political agenda; this is a phenomenon antithetical to civilisational achievements. Barbarism is mentioned when discussing extremely aggressive inter-ethnic clashes and inter-religious conflicts and is used conceptually to signify destruction of historical and cultural monuments. Barbarism is also discussed in reference to something else: as a by-product of a contemporary civilisation that oversimplifies culture, the dissemination of ideas about the world, and the realities of humanity, and does so at the level of collective consciousness. The topic of barbarism is important for contemporary scientific agendas. Sociologists, psychologists, and ethnologists study issues relating to barbarism and try to find an explanation for its social roots, in order to better understand the nature of ethnic and religious conflicts, and the psychology behind terrorism. In this essay, we will approach barbarism from an academic point of view, as a complicated socio-cultural and political phenomenon, which has appeared across historical eras, regions, and civilisations in different ways. We examine two concepts of barbarism: the first, horizontal barbarism, which is closer to traditional interpretations of barbarism. The second is ‘vertical barbarism’ (Rathenau in Ortega y Gasset, 1929), which entails making social realities rougher, simpler, and more primitive. Whereas the first notion is related to direct clashes between different ethnic groups, religions, and civilisations, the second concept refers to complicated social processes, primarily involving powerful vertical mobility, with increasing opportunities for different groups of people to gain access to the advanced achievements of human civilisation. The contemporary era is unique: despite the massive technological progress associated with globalisation, which many argue is supposed lead to the unification and standardisation of social reality, discrepancies between social and economic patterns of life Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute 2 remain, and different civilisations and political regimes interact with one another in complicated ways. In our research, we do not consider barbarism some sort of evil personified by ‘bad guys’, a notion that contradicts and hinders the ongoing progress of human civilisation. Such an approach might result in the illusion that barbarism can be easily eliminated. Adhering to such a fallacy must be avoided so that accurately informed decisions can be made. For the authors, barbarism, whether it is ‘horizontal’ or ‘vertical’, is a phenomenon inseparable from human civilisation’s development, and in most cases, is neither reactionary nor a ‘force of reaction’. The progress of human civilisation, while reducing the likelihood of barbarism, creates certain conditions for the its sudden appearance in unexpected and illogical circumstances. That is why the main goal of this essay is to understand the processes that lead to barbarism, and how barbarism can be weakened. We see the fight for the diminished influence of barbarism, and its consequent marginalisation, as a complicated process, based on a deep understanding of the mechanisms of barbarism’s evolution. Thus, we employ a historical approach that makes it possible to better understand the reasons for the increase in barbarous activity and helps reveal the characteristics of its evolution. The essay begins with a theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of socio-cultural and political barbarism. Then we analyse this with reference to specific historical periods,countries, and regions.
Today’s situation both on the translation services market and in the related higher education field guides the urgent solution by the professional translation community of the task to work out the occupational standard of a translator with its further implementation to their professional activity. In the nearest future in accordance with the policy of the Russian state regarding labour and education the occupational standard will become the basis for the appropriate educational standards dealing with the translation staff training in higher educational schools as well as in supplementary skills upgrading and career enhancement institutions. The paper focuses on the vision of a collaborative project aimed at developing the occupational standard of a translator and suggests an original concept of the professional translator’s functional map design.
The paper is focused on the issue objective limits of prejudgment of civil procedure in rulings of court. The theme is underlined the importance of restriction of forms of judicial acts, which connect with institute of the prejudgment.The problem is pinpointed on the key features of criterions of expansion of prejudgment on certain rulings of court. It is argued that the consent decree should be excluded from the institute of prejudgment.
The task of extreme significance for the professional translation community now is to work out the occupational standard of a translator: it has been guided by the current situation on the translation services market as well as by the urgent changes in the related higher education field. The policy of the Russian state regarding labour and education in any professional activity demands the occupational standard to become soon the basis for the appropriate educational standards both in higher educational schools and in supplementary skills upgrading, and career enhancement institutions. The paper focuses on reporting the preliminary results obtained in the collaborative project aimed at developing the occupational standard of a translator, it stresses its novel facets and gives a brief review of the first expert assessment of the designed draft.